Message #3 from Aziz 55.5

This is the 3rd installment of reports from Aziz 55.5. As usual, I have left all typos and other errors. There are LOTS of things I would love to comment on, to ask about, but I won't. Just read the account.


February 21, 2008:

The evening at the Azatutyan Hraparak was crispy cold below zero 30 degrees
Celsius. A lot of people had slept in their small tents, warmed only by their
clothes and small bon fires.
On the morning of the 21st of February people were in high spirit. The Armenian
National Anthem played at 9am. In the background also you could hear the heavy
pounding sound of the generator that was producing electricity for the people
gathered there. If it were not for the generator, all would be pitch dark. The
Kocharian authorities had denied electricity to be used from the opera house.
There were several individuals who had started hu ngers tikes protesting the
legitimacy of the electoral results.
It was moving to see people on their own accord distributing madnakash, chanakh
cheese and water to those who had stayed overnight.
By noon groups of people from all directions started pouring in the Azatutyan
Hraparak because at three o’clock was the scheduled meeting when opposition
leaders would give speeches about the affairs of the government including the on
going decisions of the election commission. Otherwise, the media in Armenia
never gave out the correct events that were happening in the Azatutyan
Hraparak.By 3 pm, tens of thousands of people had already gathered, standing
shoulder to shoulder side by side in solidarity. Amazingly, in that crowd you
could be able to hear a pin drop.
Some of the members of “orinats yerkir†, “parkavadj Hayastan†, “
Serjig’s party†(no one member from the tashnaks came), started joining
opposition meetings protesting the results of the elections. One by one, the
members would go on the platform, and tear up their membership cards.
You can feel from the reaction of the crowd, that finally there was a movement,
a grass root national unity that was rejecting the old system of corruption and
manipulation of Robig’s and Serjik’s regime. Basically, the individuals
standing in the Hraparak were standing there for their individual votes to be
counted. No more slave mentality.
These kinds of gatherings were continuous day in and day out. On that day, we
heard people talking about how Serjik’s victory celebration, that was to take
place in the Azatutyan Hraparak, did not materialize on the 20th of February
because those who attended were his party’s election organizers. That was the
last time the Armenian Public Media mentioned the name “Freedom Square†. The
next day, the media would refer to the “Freedom Square†as the “Theater
Square†. HOW IRONIC!
We heard that people were sick and tired of the police who stopped drivers for
no reason but to get 1000 drams. People were talking how they hated the
harkagyin people come in their shops and out of the blue demand from them to pay
a bribe or else their business will be shut down on false allegations.
Within the ten days leading to the disruption of the peaceful gatherings in the
Opera Square, we were noticing more and more people joining in to the peaceful
protests, including bringing in children, the elderly, student form High schools
and universities.
We couldn’t believe our eyes when we saw that by the end of the work day,
usually 5 or 6pm. Government employees would join us as well. When I asked one
of them why they did not come earlier in the day, they said that their “boss
told them he would fire them†.
Through out the day and night, we witnessed the gathering. People coming in one
at a time, 10 at a time, 100 at a time, 1000 at a time, 10.000 at a time,
100,000 at a time in order to fill the vacuum of their lost freedom in Freedom
Square.

Until next time, this is Aziz 55.5 signing off.
Payqar, payqar mincev verc.

What steps is SS taking???

Over the past few weeks numerous high-ranking officials in the police department, customs, and other divisions of the government have been relieved of their duties (including Hayk Harutiunian, Ararat Mahtesian, Grigori Sarkisian, Gagik Hohannissian). A number of these individuals were known to be very close to Kocharyan, may have had significant involvement in the post election violence, or both.
I have also not failed to notice that there have been several court cases with individuals being granted probation, or where charges have been dismissed.
And just yesterday three men, self-proclaimed proxies of Serge Sarkisyan, were convicted of the looting during the March 1 clashes, the same looting which was used as an excuse for the violence and repressions which ensued.
At first glance these seem like small steps in the right direction. Maybe Sarkisyan is in fact trying to distance himself from his predecessor’s ways and regime, is trying to speed the judicial processes, and bring about justice.
I would argue that they are definitely steps in a direction. But not the direction of democracy, human rights and justice. They are steps towards convincing the PACE committee, set to reevaluate the situation in Armenia starting on June 23. And while the PACE recommendations themselves are in line with the principles mentioned above, let us not confuse small steps intended to convince a committee with the large leaps and bounds necessary to jump Armenia back onto the right track.

Open Letter to Serge Sargsyan/Մեծարգո Պր. Սարգսյան

Մեծարգո Պր. Սարգսյան,

Արդեն բավական ժամանակ է զարմանում եմ այն ռազմավարության վրա, որով տանում եք Հայաստանը։ Ես իմ հարցերն ունեի և իմ կասկածները, սակայն փորձում էի Ձեր անմեղության կանխավարկածը պահպանել։ Հույս ունեի, որ Ձեր երդմնակալությունից հետո հանդես կգայիք Ձեր իրական տեսքով։ Մեզ ցույց կտայիք, թե որքա՛ն տարբեր եք Ձեր նախորդից։ Ցույց տվեցիք, սակայն ոչ այնպես, որ մեզնից որևէ մեկը դրանով հպարտ լինի։ Գիտե՞ք, Դուք հնարավորություն ունեիք առնվազն բացատրելու և սգալու, եթե ոչ դատապարտելու մարտիմեկյան արյունահեղությունը։ Սակայն Դուք չարեցիք։ Շարունակեցիք կործանարար ուղին։ Իսկ այդ ուղու վրա պատիվն անելիք չունի։

Եվ հիմա իր կյանքը մարդու իրավունքներին նվիրած մա՞րդն է հարձակման ենթարկվում` առանց որևէ հետևանքի։ Ժողովրդավարությանը նվիրված երիտասարդը, կարելի է նույնիսկ ասել` ԵԽԽՎ հանձնարարականները խորհրդանշո՞ղն է ծեծի ենթարկվում ձեր մայրաքաղաքում։ Հերոսին, ավելի ճիշտ` սիմվոլի՞ն են սպառնում արտաքսել երկրից` նրա բանտարկության ժամկետը լրանալուց հետո։ Իսկ ապօրինաբար ձերբակալվածների թվի մասի՞ն ինչ կասեք։

Ասացեք` ո՞վ է լինելու հաջորդը. Հյուսիսային պողոտայում «Ազատություն հայրիկիս» կամ «Պայքար, պայքար մինչև վերջ» գոռացող երեխա՞ն։ Թե՞ դա լինելու է տարիքավոր այն կանանցից մեկը, որ անցավ խորհրդային ժամանակաների, 1988 ի երկրաշարժի, ղարաբաղյան շարժման, պատերազմի և այդ ցուրտ ու մութ տարիների բովով, ընդամենը որպեսզի կրկին կանգնած մնա փողոցում` բռունցքը վեր պարզած, միայն թե այս անգամ իր իսկ իրավունքների համար պայքարելով։ Դուք կամ անսահման իշխանություն ունեք, կամ չունեք բոլորովին։ Ամեն դեպքում, աննախանձելի վիճակի մեջ եք։ Գուցեև Ձեզ համար որոշում կայացնելը շատ շատ ավելի դժվար է, քան ես եմ պատկերացնում, քանի որ չեք բռնել այն ճամփան, որն ինձ համար այնքան հստակորեն, այնքան ակնհայտորեն Ճշմարիտ ուղին է։

Մտածում եմ` անտառներում ու կիրճերում և կամ լեռների գագաթներին տեսնես քանի՞ կենաց եք ասել ու խմել մեր պապերի պապերի համար։ Եվ նույն այդ սեղաններին նույն այդ թասերով քանի՞ կենաց եք ասել ու խմել զինվորների համար, որոնք այնքան ծանր պայքարով պահպանեցին մեր ժողովրդին, մեր երկիրն ու մեր հողը։ Ինչպե՞ս կարող եք պատվել մեր ընդհանուր պապերին, բայց կրակել նրանց թոռների վրա։ Ինչպե՞ս կարող եք պատվել զինվորներին, սակայն անհաղորդ մնալ հացադուլի նստած վետերանների կանչերի հանդեպ և արտաքսել Սեֆիլյանին։

Ծիծեռնակ

Dear Mr. Sargsyan,

For quite some time I have wondered about your strategy, on the path you are taking Armenia. I had my questions and my doubts, but I gave you the benefit of the doubt. I hoped that after your inauguration, you would show us your own true colors. That you would show us how you were different from your predecessor. You did show us, but not in any way that any of us can be proud of. You see, you had the chance to at least explain and lament, if not condemn, the violence and injustice of March 1st. But you did not. You continued in the destructive path. And on that path, there is no honor.
And now, a man who has dedicated his life to human rights is assaulted with no apparent consequence? A youth dedicated to democracy, one might even say, to what the PACE recommendations symbolize, is beaten in your capital city? A hero, nay, an icon, is threatened with deportation once he finishes his prison sentence? And scores of individuals remain imprisoned illegally?
Tell me, who is next, the child screaming “Freedom for my Father” or "Payqar, payqar minchev verch!" on Northern Boulevard? Or will it be one of the elderly women who went through Soviet times, the earthquake of 1988, the Kharabagh Movement, the war, and those cold, dark years, only to be standing, yet again, on the street with her fist in the air, but this time fighting for her own rights? Either you have all of the power, or none of it. Either way, I do not envy you your position. Maybe your decision is much, much, more difficult than I can imagine, since you have not taken what seems to me to be so clearly, so obviously, the Right way.
I wonder how many toasts you have drunk in the forest, in the gorge, or on the mountaintop to our grandparents' grandparents? And at those same tables, with those same glasses, how many toasts have you drunk to the soldiers who fought so hard to protect our nation, our country and our land? How do you honor our mutual grandparents, but shoot their grandchildren? How do you honor the soldiers, but remain deaf to the calls of veterans on hunger strike, and deport Sefilyan?

Tzitzernak

Who appoints Ministers in the Coalition Government Armenia

A little while ago I wondered about the procedures necessary in the new Coalition Government regarding the appointment of Ministers, specifically in regards to the ARF change-over of Ministers... this answers my question...
[from lragir.am]
DASHNAKTSUTYUN’S STEP WILL NOT CHANGE THE POLICY

ԴԱՇՆԱԿՑՈՒԹՅԱՆ ՔԱՅԼԸ ՔԱՂԱՔԱԿԱՆՈՒԹՅՈՒՆ ՉԻ ՓՈԽԻ

What are the thoughts of Galust Sahakyan, the deputy leader of the Republican Party, known for his original and oracular evaluations, on the decision of the ARF Dashnaktsutyun to replace its three ministers? The reporters tried to find out the answer from Galust Sahakyan on June 2 at the Hayeli Club.

In this context the deputy leader of the Republican Party noted that the statement of the ARF Dashnaktsutyun about replacing the ministers which was made during the news conference after the General Meeting, did not comply with the Constitution because in Armenia the prime minister nominates or dismisses ministers. “The ARF Dashnaktsutyun must, and I mean this, it must have turned to the president and the prime minister to change its representatives. I do not think it will change the political line but it will change the economic line, or generally this is a phenomenon which may possibly affect our economic and political life,” Galust Sahakyan says.

[emphasis mine]

Where are you going, SS???

Where is SS going with all of this?

As has been pointed out time and time again, the PACE recommendations are barely being followed on even the most superficial level. Forget that they are the recommendations of an international organization, SS’s approach to governing started out and continues to be completely unconstitutional. Over a hundred citizens are in prison, without charges, without trials – political prisoners; and when there are trials, they are ludicrous at best.

A human rights activists what shot by a pro-SS individual, and you can guess which side the police are taking (unzipped has a good summary of what’s going on). And now, there is word that Sefilyan may be expelled from Armenia. I have read that Sefilyan was no longer an ARF-D member as of 1999 (I don’t know why), but it’s pathetic that they’re not standing up for him. Often when people leave the ARF, it is for differences in political thinking. I can’t fathom how wide that schism must be for them not to be able to raise a voice now to defend a man who left his life from the Diaspora to fight in Kharabagh. If the ARF “compromised” certain ideals so that they could be part of the coalition and fight for what they think is right, then why isn’t Sefilyan on the top of that list? Not to worry, I’m sure decades from now they will claim Sefilyan as one of their own, as they have done with so many others whom they have criticized harshly, or to whom they have provided no support, including Hrant Dink and Monte Melkonian.

How long can SS keep going in this manner? Is there an endpoint?

And where, oh where, is Kocharyan...?


[a good source for info/interviews/biography of Sefilyan can be found in English and Armenian at azadakrum.org]

OPEN LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF ARMENIA/ԲԱՑ ՆԱՄԱԿ ՀԱՅԱՍՏԱՆԻ ՀԱՆՐԱՊԵՏՈւԹՅԱՆ ԱԶգԱՅԻՆ ԺՈՂՈՎԻ ՆԱԽԱգԱՀԻՆ

[ENGLISH IS BELOW - An extremely well worded letter on behalf of SAAG which I ran across - Mr. Torosyan will be at the Council of Europe meeting next week, a meeting focused on democracy and human rights.]

Տիգրան Թորոսյան
Հայաստանի Հանրապետության Ազգային Ժողովի Նախագահ

Հարգելի Պր. նախագահ,

Մենք մեծապես երջանիկ ենք, որ Հայաստանի Հանրապետությունը ներկայացված է լինելու եկող շաբաթ Եվրախորհրդի կենտրոնակայանում` Ստրասբուրգում կայանալիք խորհրդարանների նախագահների Եվրոպական համաժողովում։ Այդ համաժողովում Ձեր ներկայության փաստն ինքնին հպարտության զգացումով է լցնելու մեր հայրենակիցների սրտերը, որոնք ընդամենը նվազ քան քսան տարի առաջ երազել իսկ չէին կարող ազատ, անկախ Հայաստանի մասին։ Անհամար փորձություններից ու տվայտանքներից հետո, առանց քրտինք, արյուն ու ավյուն խնայելու, ազատ, անկախ Հայաստանն այսօր քաղաքական իրողություն է և այն միջազգային բարձրագույն ատյաններում ներկայացվելու է մեր հպարտ քաղաքացիական ծառայողների կողմից` Ձեր առաջնորդությամբ։

Կարճ ասած, Պր. նախագահ, երբ Եվրախրհրդի միջանցքներով քայլելիս լինեք, վստահ եղեք, որ ողջ ազգը Ձեզ հպարտությամբ է նայելու։

Սակայն պարզապես ապշեցուցիչ է, Պր. նախագահ, թե որքա՛ն քիչ հարգանք եք Դուք դրսևորել այդ ազգի ներկայացուցիչներից որևէ մեկի նկատմամբ։ Տեղյա՞կ եք արդյոք, թե ինչպիսի ահռելի պատասխանատվություն եք Ձեր ուսերին դրած տանում դեպի այդ համաժողովը։ Ձեր օգնականները Ձեզ տեղեկացրե ՞լ են, թե որն է այդ Համաժողովի էությունը։ Համաժողովը կարծես թե վերաբերելու է «քաղաքացիական հասարակությանը քաղաքական կյանքի մեջ... ավելի սերտորեն ներգրավելու ուղիներին» և «ժողովրդավարական, մարդու իրավունքների և օրենքի գերակայության արժեքներ ունենալուն, որոնք ամրապնդում են մեր ամենօրյա քաղաքականության մեջ ավելի հստակ արտահայտություն գտնելու ուղղությամբ մեր արածները...»։ Աչքի առջև ունենալով հիմնարար այս արժեքների նկատմամբ մարտի մեկից ի վեր դրսևորած Ձեր գոռոզամիտ արգահատանքը, կցանկանայինք հետաքրքրվել Պր. նախագահ. Ձեր գործընկերների ձեռքերն արդյոք մաքուր խղճո՞վ եք սեղմելու։

Մոռացե՞լ եք արդյոք հանրահավաքներ, երթեր ու ցույցեր անցկացնելու վերաբերյալ օրենքի մեջ Ձեր ազդեցիկ դերակատարումը։ Ձեր միջազգային գործընկերների աչքերին ինպե՞ս եք շիտակ նայելու և փորձելու Ձեզ ներկայացնել իբրև քաղաքացիական հասարակության, ժողովրդավարության, մարդու իրավունքների և օրենքի գերակայության արժեքների պահապան, երբ վճռորոշ դեր եք կատարել ձեր սեփական ժողովրդին հանրահավաքների իրավունքից, Ձեր կարծիքից տարբերվող կարծիք հայտնելու իրավունքից և օրենքի առջև հավասար լինելու իրավունքից զրկելու հարցում։ Ինչպե՞ս եք արդարացնելու ԵԽԽՎ որոշման Ձեր սառնասիրտ անտեսումը։ գուցե պնդելու եք, որ Հայաստանում ժողովրդավարությունը սահմանվում է խիստ յուրահատուկ կերպով ` ըստ իշխանությունների քմահաճույքի՞։ գուցե նրանց բացատրելու եք, որ եվրոպացիների տկար որոշման անտեսումը և բռնությունների շարունակումը բխում է Հայաստանի «ազգային շահերի՞ց»։ գուցե պատմելու եք, թե ինչպես մարտի մեկին կառավարության բռնարարքներից անմիջապես հետո Ազգային Ժողովում ամբիոն բարձրացաք և պախարակեցիք խաղաղ ցուցարարներին, որոնց հետապնդում էին, շրջապատում ու հալածում էին հենց Ձեր խոսելու ընթացքում։ Այլ խորհրդարանների ղեկավարներն իմանալու՞ են, թե ինչպիսի հմտությամբ էիք փաստարկում խորհրդարանի այն անդամներին պատգամավորական անձեռնմխելիությունից զրկելու օգտին, որոնք համարձակվել էին համակրելու ընդդիմությանը։

Այս օրերն էլ կուգան ու կերթան, այնպես չէ՞, Պր. նախագահ։ Քսան տարի անց մենք կհիշենք անցյալի մեր սխալներն ու կհասկանանք մեր քաղած դասերը։ Սակայն մի բան միշտ առեղծված կմնա բոլորիս համար, Պր. նախագահ. Ձեր թոռնիկների հետ զրուցելիս Դուք ի՞նչ երեսով եք պատմելու Ձեր անցյալի մասին

Շնորհակալություն:

ՍԱԱգ

Tigran Torosyan
President of the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia

Dear Mr. President,

We are most delighted that the Republic of Armenia will be represented at the European Conference of Presidents of Parliament to be held at the Council of Europe Headquarters in Strasbourg next week. The simple fact of your presence at this Conference will infuse a sense of pride in the bosoms of our nationals, who less than twenty years ago could not have dreamt of the prospects of a free, independent Armenia. Countless trials and tribulations later, not having spared sweat, blood, nor sinew, free, independent Armenia is today a political reality, and it will be represented at the highest orders of international affairs by our proud civil servants with you at their fore.

In short, Mr. President, while walking the halls of the Council of Europe, rest assured that an entire nation will be looking on proudly.

Yet what is utterly astounding, Mr. President, is how little regard you have displayed for any of it. Are you aware of the magnitude of the responsibility you carry upon your shoulders walking into that Conference? Have your aids informed you of the substance of this Conference? It seems the Conference will concern itself with "ways to involve civil society more closely in…political life," and "having democratic, human rights and rule of law values that underpin all we do to find clearer expression in our daily policies…." Considering your presumptuous disregard of some of these basic values following March 1st, intrigue us, Mr. Pesident: will you shake the hands of your counterparts with a clear conscience?

Have you forgotten your influential role with respect to the law on conducting gatherings, marches, and meetings? How will you look straight into the eyes of your international colleagues and attempt to portray yourself as a protector of values promoting civil society, democracy, human right, and rule of law when you have been instrumental in denying your own people the right to assemble, the right to voice opinions that differ from yours, and the right to be equal in the eyes of the law? How will you justify your callous dismissal of the PACE resolution? Will you posit that democracy in Armenia conforms to a very particular definition in accordance with the whims of the authorities? Will you explain to them that it is in Armenia's "national interest" to ignore the Europeans' puny resolution and keep on track with the repressions? Will you relate how you took to the podium in the National Assembly immediately after the violent government crackdown of March 1st, and berated the peaceful oppositionists who were being pursued, rounded up, and persecuted as you were speaking? Will these other leaders of parliaments learn of how eloquently you argued for suspending immunity for those parliamentarians who had dared sympathize with the Opposition?

These days, too, shall come to pass, will they not, Mr. President? Twenty years from now we shall recount the mistakes of the past, and identify the lessons learned. But what shall remain a mystery to the rest of us, Mr. President, is how you will recount your past to your grandchildren.
Thank you,

Save Armenia Action Group (SAAG)

Video of beating in court

Translated from HIMA's Political Prisoner Blogsite
Video on blog and on YouTube



"On May 15, the trial of Davit Matevosyan, charged with fabricated crimes, continued in the General Court of the Kentron and Nork-Marash district in Yerevan. It began with an incident, to put it mildly. When the judge entered the court, one row of the attendees did not stand. This angered Judge Yerem Yesoyan, who is experienced in sending people to prison on trumped up charges, as well as the employees of the Security section of the Justice Department. They began to beat Petros Makeyan's two sons--Karen and Tigran Makeyan--while still in the courtroom, and continued the beating as they dragged them out of the building.
According to witnesses, electroshock was also used. The Prosecutor's Office of the Republic of Armenia may consider this announcement as an official notification of a crime. " [Makeyan link mine]

Armenian Government paying lip service to PACE recommendations

Almost one month after the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) demanded that the authorities restore the basic human rights of Armenia’s citizens immediately,

• 28 requests to hold public gatherings have been rejected by the authorities;
• Between May 2 and May 9, and following the Second Congress of the Popular Movement in Yerevan, over 100 innocent citizens were detained or arrested without warrants;
• In the morning of May 14 alone, more than 30 people were taken to police stations in Yerevan;
• Scores of individuals have gone on hunger strikes across the country, 17 of them on May 17;
• The detention period of political prisoners have been unlawfully extended;
• Under threat and intimidation, citizens are forced to provide false testimony on other citizens or prisoners and are held in police stations for hours and days until they do so.
• According to the president of the Helsinki Assembly in Yerevan some prisoners were brutalized and others denied their rights to an attorney.

ՆԻԿՈԼ ՓԱՇԻՆՅԱՆ. ԵՐԿՐԻ ՀԱԿԱՌԱԿ ԿՈՂՄԸ (մաս չորրորդ)/THE OTHER SIDE OF THE WORLD (Part Four) by Pashinyan

from payqar.org, May 13, 2008
ՆԻԿՈԼ ՓԱՇԻՆՅԱՆ. ԵՐԿՐԻ ՀԱԿԱՌԱԿ ԿՈՂՄԸ (մաս չորրորդ)
(English is below)
5. մահ կամ ազատություն

Մակեդոնիան ինձ համար մնաց որպես անհայտ երկիր: Մենք նախընտրում էինք գիշերը ճամփորդել, իսկ ցերեկները քնել ճանապարհամերձ մոթելներում: Ցերեկային ճամփորդությունը մի ավտոմեքենայով, որի ուղեւորներից երկուսը հետախուզվում են, չափազանց մեծ ռիսկ է: Եւ ահա, Մակեդոնիան մեզ համար դարձավ երեկոյան նախաճաշերի եւ առավոտյան ընթրիքների երկիր: Երբեմն, երբ լուսինը կամ այգը լուսավորում էր մեր ճանապարհը, ինձ թվում էր , թե մենք սլանում ենք Հայաստանի ճանապարհներով, ահա` կարծես Դիլիջանի ոլորաններում լինենք կամ էլ Արփայի հովտում: Բայց սա նմանություն է, ընդամենը նմանություն: Սա Հայաստանը չէ, այլ Մակեդոնիան, եւ որքան հասկացա, այս երկիրն առայժմ հպարտանալու շատ բան չունի: Առայժմ միայն անուն, բայց այն էլ ուզում են խլել նրանից: Դա ինձ չի զարմացնում, ինձ զարմացնում է Իմաստուն Ծերուկը, որը այսքան լայն գործունեություն է ծավալում: Նա հաստատ իր դիրքը օգտագործելով` զենքի ապօրինի առեւտուր է անում, եւ Մարկոյի հետ նրա հանդիպումը այդ գործերի հետ է կապված, ինձ էլ ձեռքի հետ են տանում, միեւնույն է, ինձնից վնաս չկա, համ էլ լավություն են անում:

Մարկոն, ժամանակակից լեզվով ասած, կարգին տղա է. լուսավոր, համարձակ, պատրաստ է հաղթահարել ուզածդ խոչընդոտ: Նա սիրում է իր ազգը, իր ժողովրդին, պատրաստ է կյանքը տալ նրա համար եւ ոչնչացնել ցանկացած մեկին, ով կվիրավորի իր ժողովրդին, իր հայրենիքը: Մարկոն առանձնապես խելացի չէ, բայց ազնիվ է եւ ուղղամիտ: Նա իր ազգի հերոսն է, չնայած սրան` հայհոյախոսի մեկն է եւ անընդհատ հիշոցներ է տեղում աջ ու ձախ: «Ես դրանց մերը...»,- ասում է նա ամերիկացիների մասին, «Ես դրանց կերածը...»,- ասում է նա եվրակառույցների մասին, «Ես դրանց ծնողը...»,- ասում է նա Հաագայի դատարանի մասին, որ փնտրում է իրեն եւ իր բազմաթիվ ընկերների:

- Չէ, դու տեսա՞ր էդ դատախազ քածին (1): Գիրք է գրել, ես քո բերանը... Բայց գլխավորը չի գրել, ամենագլխավորը:

- Ի՞նչը նկատի ունես,- հարցնում եմ:

- Ասեմ, ախպերս, պարզ ասեմ: Դու գիտես, թե նա մեզ ինչու չի կարողանում տանել, որովհետեւ մենք իրեն չենք շինել: Էդ կնիկը հույս ուներ, որ մենք իրեն մի լավ կշինենք, հերթով ու բոլորով, ու ինքը ի վերջո առաջին անգամ կպրծնի իր շինված կյանքում: Նա հույսը վաղուց է կտրել եվրոպացի գոմիկներից եւ գիտի, որ միայն սերբական առնականությունը կարող է նրան ստիպել դոշակը ճանկռել: Բայց դու տեսել ես նրա դեմքը, դու կշինեի՞ր նրան,- անսպասելի հարցրեց նա ինձ:
Ես շփոթված նայեցի իմ կողքին նստած Իմաստուն Ծերուկին, իսկ նա մի այնպիսի հանդիմանանքով ինձ նայեց, կարծես այդ ես եմ մեղավոր, որ խոսակցությունը այսպիսի ընթացք ստացավ: Բայց Մարկոն, բարեբախտաբար, չպնդեց, որ ես պատասխանեմ, եւ շարունակեց զարգացնել իր դարակազմիկ միտքը, որով փորձում էր բացատրել իր հայրենիքի շուրջ տեղի ունեցող գլոբալ գործընթացները:

- Չէ, ախպերս. մենք` սերբ տղերքս, չենք կարող մեր մարմինը պղծել այդպիսի աղբով: Մեր աղջիկները, ես նրանց բոլորին սիրում եմ, մի քանիսին որպես կին, մյուսներին որպես քույր, հարազատ, արյունակից, ես նրանց բոլորի մաքուր հոգուն մեռնեմ, նրանք կթքեին մեր վրա, եթե մենք դա անեինք: Էդ դատախազ քածը հուսախաբ եղավ, բայց չհուսահատվեց եւ հիմա մեզ ուզում է քարշ տալ Հաագայի հարմարավետ խցերը, որ մեզ սրտի ուզածի չափ քշի, կերել ես, քո ծնողը:

Ես փորձեցի խոսակցությունը տեղափոխել ավելի քաղաքակիրթ բառապաշարի հուն.

- Բայց ճիշտը խոսենք. դուք լավ էլ կոտորել եք Կոսովոյի ալբանացիներին:

Մարկոն զարմացած հայացքով նայում է ինձ.

- Բա ի՞նչ պետք է անեինք, պետք է թողնեինք, որ իրենք մեզ կոտորե՞ն...

- Բայց դուք կոտորում էիք ոչ միայն ձեզ կոտորողներին, այլեւ խաղաղ բնակիչներին,- ասում եմ ես:

- Իսկ դու գնա ու տարբերիր. առավոտյան նա խաղաղ բնակիչ է, իսկ ճաշից հետո` շահիդ:

- Իսկ կանա՞յք, երեխանե՞րը...

-Լսիր, ախպերս, նրանց կանայք կին են, երեխաները` երեխա, իսկ մեր կանայք քո՞ւրջ են, երեխաները` առնե՞տ: Դու այնպես ես խոսում, կարծես ֆրանսիացի լինես: Հային ես ի՞նչ ունեմ բացատրելու: Քանի՞ թուրք է դատել քո քնձռոտ միջազգային դատարանը 15 թվի կոտորածի համար: Իսկ դու քեզ հարց չե՞ս տվել, թե ինչ գործ ունի թուրքը Բալկանյան թերակղզում, Կոսովոյում, ամենուր: Ի՞նչ է, հյուր ենք կանչել նրանց եւ հետո խնդրեցինք մնա՞լ` մեր առաջին հարսանեկան գիշերը վայելելու: Ճիշտ ես ասում` մենք ենք մեղավոր, մենք, որ մեր էսօրվա ճղճիմ կյանքը ավելի ենք սիրել, քան մեր ապագան, մեր արժանապատվությունը: Չենք ցանկացել մեզ զոհել, ու մեզ մորթել են ոչխարի նման, հա, ոչխարի նման:

Մարկոն լռեց: Ես էլ ոչինչ չասացի: Իմաստուն Ծերուկը մեր խոսակցությանը խառնվելու ոչ մի ցանկություն չէր ցուցաբերում: Երեւում է` այս թեմաների մասին նա տվել-առել էր Մարկոյի հետ: Ծերուկը փորձում էր ննջել, ինչքանով որ թույլ էր տալիս Մարկոյի բորբոքված ձայնը: Ու չնայած Մարկոն ինձ 15 թիվը հիշեցրեց, ես մտքով 88 թվին հասա: Աստված իմ, որքան է մեր բախտը բերել, որ մենք կարողացել ենք առանց գլխացավանքի, առանց մի հատիկ կրակոցի Հայաստանը ազատել ադրբեջանցիներից: Ի՞նչ կլիներ, եթե հայաստանաբնակ ադրբեջանցիները մնային եւ դառնային անկախ Հայաստանի քաղաքացի, կամ էլ մինչ այդ Հայաստանի ներսում զինված բախում սկսվեր: Դա կլիներ մեր վերջը: Եւ մեր պատմության այդ հատվածը մինչ օրս ինչպես հարկն է ընկալված չէ, այդ պատմությունը կերտողները գնահատված չեն: Զարհուրելի է ուղղակի: Ի վերջո ես ընդհատում եմ լռությունը.

- Գիտե՞ս ինչ, Մարկո, ես քեզ հասկանում եմ, լավ եմ հասկանում, շատ լավ հասկանում եմ նաեւ իմ այն հայրենակիցներին, որոնց կարգախոսը համընկնում է սերբականի հետ. մահ կամ ազատություն: Հավատա, որ ես հարգում եմ այդ կարգախոսը, սիրում եմ այն: Բայց շատ հաճախ մենք մոռանում ենք ժամանակի եւ տարածության մասին, մոռանում ենք, որ աշխարհը փոխվում է: Եթե 18 թվականին մենք Երեւանի մոտ` Սարդարապատում, եւ Բաշ Ապարանում չկռվեինք թուրքի դեմ, պետություն չէինք ունենա: Իսկ եթե 88 թվին մենք փորձեինք մեր պապերի վրեժը լուծել Մասիսի, Սիսիանի, Վարդենիսի թուրքերից, մենք էլի չէինք ունենա պետություն, որովհետեւ մենք չէինք կարող թուրքերի դեմ կռվել ե՛ւ Մասիսում, ե՛ւ Սիսիանում, ե՛ւ Վարդենիսում, ե՛ւ Ղարաբաղում, ե՛ւ Նախիջեւանում, ե՛ւ Հայաստանում սահմանի ողջ երկայնքով: Իսկ եթե 15 թվին կռվեինք թե՛ Ստամբուլում, թե՛ մնացած բոլոր տեղերում, գուցե թե փրկվեինք: Հասկանո՞ւմ ես, կռվելը ինքը նպատակ չէ, խաղաղությունը նույնպես: Հաղթում է նա, ով կռվելու ժամանակը կարողանում է տարբերել հաշտվելու ժամանակից եւ կռվելու ժամանակի մեջ կռվում է, հաշտվելու ժամանակի մեջ` հաշտվում:

Մարկոն ոչինչ չասաց, ես շարունակեցի.

- Արի արդյունքներով նայենք. Կոսովոն դուք կորցրիք, Բոսնիան կորցրիք, Չեռնոգորիան կորցրիք: Սա հատուցումն է այն բանի, որ դուք կռվեցիք այն ժամանակ, երբ պետք էր սիրաշահել: Բայց սխալ չհասկանաս. դու զինվոր ես, դու անմնացորդ նվիրվել ես քո գործին, եւ դու հերոս ես, քո ազգի հերոսը: Քո գործը հրամաններ կատարելն է, եւ դու այդ անելու համար ոչինչ չես խնայել: Բայց քեզ հրաման տվողները պետք է մտածեին քեզ հրաման տալուց առաջ, որովհետեւ նրանց գործը հրաման տալուց առաջ մտածելն է: Նրանք չեն արել իրենց գործը, նրանք դավաճանել են իրենց ժողովրդին:

- Միեւնույն է, ամերիկացիք գանդոն են: Եվրոպացիք էլ,- դառնացած ասաց Մարկոն:

- Ռուսները նույնպես,- որպես հետգրություն ավելացրի ես:

Իմաստուն Ծերուկը այդպես էլ ոչինչ չասաց:

(շարունակելի)

Ծանոթագրություն
1. Մարկոն նկատի ունի Հաագայի դատարանի նախկին դատախազ Կառլա դել Պոնտեին:

THE OTHER SIDE OF THE WORLD (Part Four)

5. Death or Liberty

Macedonia remained an unknown country for me. We preferred to travel by night, and sleep at roadside motels during the day. Travel by day in the same car where two of the passengers have arrest warrants against them, is extremely risky. And so, Macedonia became for us a country of evening breakfasts and morning dinners. Sometimes, when the moon or the dawn illuminated our path, it seemed to me that we were racing on the roads of our Armenia, here, as if we were on the winding roads of Dilijan or the valley of Arpa. But this is similitude, mere similitude. This is not Armenia but Macedonia, and as far as I could gather, this country for the time being doesn’t have much to be proud about. For now, it only has a name, but others want to deprive it even of that. That doesn’t surprise me, what surprises me is the Old Wise One, who is involved in such a wide array of activities. Using his position for sure, he trades in illegal arms and his meeting with Marko is part of that business. And they take me along. But no matter; I present no harm, and I’m even doing some good.

Marko, in contemporary lingo, is a regular guy: bright, bold, ready to overcome any obstacle. He loves his nation, his people, and is ready to sacrifice his life for them and destroy anyone who insults his people, his fatherland. Marko is not particularly intelligent, but he is kind and straightforward. He is a hero of his people, despite the fact that he has a foul mouth and constantly swears right and left. “I’ll f*** their mothers” he says about the Americans, “I’ll f*** their food” he says about the European structures, “I’ll f*** their parents” he says about the International Court of Justice at The Hague which had issued a warrant for his arrest and for many of his friends.

“No, did you see that slut of a prosecutor? (Marko is here referring to former judge Carla del Ponte of the International Court of Justice at The Hague). She’s written a book. I’ll f*** [her] mouth…But she has not covered the main issue, the most important one.”

“What do you mean?” I ask.

“I’ll tell you, my brother, I’ll put it to you plainly. You know, she can’t tolerate us because we haven’t screwed her. That woman had hopes that we would screw her, all of us, one by one, so she would, for the first time in her life, release herself in her f***ing. She had given up hope on the domesticated Europeans a long time ago and knows that only Serbian manliness would make her claw her mattress. But you’ve seen her face; would you screw her?” he asked me unexpectedly. I gave a puzzled look at the Old Wise One sitting next to me, but the latter looked back at me with such rebuke as if I was the one to blame for the direction the conversation had taken. But fortunately, Marko did not insist on my answer and continued to develop his seminal idea, with which he was trying to explain the global processes taking place in relation to his country.

“No, my brother. We, Serbian men can’t defile our bodies with such filth. Our girls—I love them all, some as women, others as sisters, our compatriots and blood relatives, and for whose purity of soul I would die—would spit on us if we did that. That slut of a prosecutor was disappointed, but she didn’t despair. And now she wants to throw us in the comfortable prison cells of The Hague so that she can chase us to her heart’s delight. [She] can suck my d***, f*** [her] mother.”

I tried to relocate the conversation to a more civilized vocabulary:

“But let’s face it; you really did massacre the Albanians of Kosovo.”

Marko was looking at me with surprise:

“And what were we supposed to do? Should we have let them massacre us?”

“But you were massacring not only those who were massacring you, but also the peaceful residents,” I answer.

“Then you go tell them apart. In the morning he is a peaceful resident, after lunch, a martyr.”

“But the women, the children…?”

“Listen, my brother. Their women are women and their children are children, but our women are rags, and our children rats? You speak as if you’re French. What do I have to explain to the Armenian? How many Turks did your pathetic court prosecute for the massacres of 1915? And haven’t you asked yourself what business the Turk has in the Balkan Peninsula, in Kosovo, everywhere? What, did we invite them as our guests and then asked them to stay to enjoy our first wedding night? You’re right; we’re the ones who are guilty, we, who loved our fragile life of today more than the future, more than our dignity. We didn’t wish to sacrifice ourselves, and so they have butchered us like sheep, yes, like sheep.”

Marko was silent. I didn’t say anything, either. The Old Wise One was not showing any desire to get involved in our conversation. It seems that he has already exchanged views with Marko on these themes. The Old Wise One was trying to sleep, as much as Marko’s agitated voice would allow him. And even though Marko had reminded me of 1915, in my mind, I had reached 1988. My God, how fortunate we had been that without any headaches, without a single shot fired, we had been able to free Armenia of the Azeris. What would have happened if the Azeris living in Armenia had stayed on, become citizens of independent Armenia, or, in the meantime, armed conflict had started in Armenia? That would have been our end. Yet that chapter of our history has not been acknowledged as it should have been, and those who shaped that history are not appreciated. It’s simply terrible. I break my silence finally:

“You know, Marko, I understand you. I also understand very well those of my compatriots whose motto corresponds to the Serbian: Death or Liberty. Believe me, I respect that motto, and I like it. But very often we forget about time and space, we forget that the world is changing. If, in 1918, we had not fought at Sartarapad, near Yerevan, and at Pash Abaran, against the Turk, we would not have a state. But if, in 1988, we had tried to avenge our ancestors against the Turks of Massis, Sissian, Vartenis, we would not have had a state because we could not have fought the Turks at Massis, Sissian, Vartenis, Karabagh, Nakhichevan and all along the border of Armenia—all at once. However, if in 1915 we had fought in Istanbul and everywhere else at once, we might have been saved. Do you understand that war in itself is not the objective, and neither is peace. The winner is he who can differentiate the time for peace from the time to wage war, fights when it’s time to fight, and makes peace when it’s time to make peace.”

Marko said nothing, and I continued:

“Let’s look at the results. You lost Kosovo, you lost Bosnia, you lost Montenegro. This is the reward for the fact that you fought them when you should have won them over. But don’t get me wrong. You are a soldier, you are wholeheartedly dedicated to your mission; and you are a hero, a hero of your nation. Your job was to fulfill orders, and you have spared nothing in order to do that. But those who gave you the orders should have thought before giving the order because their job is to think before giving orders. They didn’t do that, they betrayed their people.”

“Nevertheless, Americans are condoms, as are the Europeans,” said Marko bitterly.

“Also the Russians,” I added as a postscript.

And so the Old Wise One said nothing.

(to be continued)

[translator's note: the footnote you see in the original Armenian text was incorporated into the English version as a parenthetic explanation]

Letter from the Helsinki Citizens Assembly Vanadzor Office

Letter to Mr. de Puig (PACE), Mr. Stubb (OSCE), Mr. Davis (CoE) and Mr. Hammerberg (HRC)

ԵԽԽՎ-ի նախագահ Լուիս Մարիա դե Պույչին ուղղված նամակը

In addition to being well written, this letter points out what is so glaringly obvious to those in Armenia: the resolutions put forth by PACE have not even begun to be addressed in any credible or tangible manner by the present government.
Read the entire letter for yourselves. But, let me point out one thing among many:

“The victims agree with the groundless accusations in order to be in freedom by
giving false testimonies against themselves and their supporters, and in this
way they give a ransom.”

What a convenient way for the government to collect “evidence” against those they are holding in detention without charges, without grounds, for extended periods of time.

OVER 100 CITIZENS OF ARMENIA TAKEN INTO CUSTODY SINCE THE SECOND CONGRESS OF THE POPULAR MOVEMENT: PRECONDITION FOR DIALOGUE???

(Summarized from Radio Liberty, Sunday, May 11, 2008)

In a telephone conversation with Radio Liberty today, First President Levon Ter Petrosyan’s spokesman, Armen Khatchatryan reported that in Yerevan and elsewhere in the Republic, many citizens who had participated in the opposition rallies—actively or only once or twice—were being called to the police station early in the morning, illegally and under threat.

Police were using their illegal and unjustified interrogation to elicit any information that might be construed as evidence against others or to intimidate them enough to keep them from participating in further actions.

Khatchatryan also stated that the police are calling people in for questioning—although they call it a “chat”—those citizens who were wounded on May 1, and who in principle should have been treated as victims. Rather, they are treated as suspects.

The police have arrested and taken into custody more than 100 citizens since the 2nd meeting of the Congress of the Popular Movement just over one week ago. There were also three new arrests and 10 citizens taken into custody.

And the list of citizens in custody and under arrest continues to grow.

New Open -Ended Hunger Strikes/ՆՈՐ ԱՆԺԱՄԿԵՏ ՀԱՑԱԴՈՒԼ...

[translated from a1plus.am ՆՈՐ ԱՆԺԱՄԿԵՏ ՀԱՑԱԴՈՒԼ...]

New Open-Ended Hunger Strike…

Roman Piloyan, a resident of Zorakap village of Shirak Marz joined the open-ended hunger strike, and almost 20 people are getting ready to start an open-ended hunger strike in Maralik and Gyumri.
At 3pm on May 10, Roman Piloyan of Zorakap village, Shirak Region, announced an open-ended hunger strike. It is assumed that he has joined Sevak Saghatelyan of Zorakap village, who started the extreme political action one day earlier, demanding the immediate release of Mushegh and Shota Saghatelyans, as well as of all political prisoners.
Fifteen Freedom Fighters (veterans) in Gyumri have already announced that starting Monday, May 12 at 9am, they too will begin an open-ended hunger strike, demanding that Ashot Zakaryan and the other political prisoners be freed. They and their seven brothers-in-arms (zinagits) already underwent a 24 hours hunger strike from May 7th to 8th, to which the government had not responded in any way. Starting on Monday at 11am, at the Northern Criminal Court of Armenia, the court proceedings of Ashot Zakaryan, Shota Saghatelyan and Petros Makeyan will continue.
There is already some information that on Sunday May 11, a group of residents of Maralik village are also going to announce an open-ended hunger strike, demanding the release of the political prisoners.
All of the aforementioned actions are being broadcasted on GALA and Tsayg news television stations.
At 5 pm on May 10, the Freedom Fighters of Shirak Marz distributed the following announcement:

After the presidential elections which took place in the Republic of Armenia in 2008, multiple heroes of the fight for freedom in Kharabagh ended up in prison for their political views with fake and unfounded accusations. The court hearings which are taking place have nothing to do with justice, as they are arresting people or setting them free under dubious circumstances, using the fictitious depositions of suspicious witnesses, according to political directives issued from above.
Refusing to accept the present injustices in Armenia, and the multiple oppressions of Human Rights, we, 15 Freedom Fighters of Shirak Marz, starting on May 12, 2008, are announcing an open-ended hunger strike, in defense of the liberation of our Commander Lieutenant Ashot Rubeni Zakaryan and the other Freedom Fighter Heroes who are political prisoners.
We are appealing to the authorities of the Republic of Armenia to use circumspection and caution, as the responsibility of all consequences of the unrelenting persecution of the Freedom Fighters lies on them.

The Freedom Fighters of Shirak Marz are ready to send information about their open ended Hunger Strike that will start on May 12, to various embassies and international groups functioning in Armenia.

My response to Anonymous

Just recently one of my posts received the following comment from "Anonymous" - I thought I'd post my response.

"is your "1.5 million + >8" really supposed to mean that you equate the people killed on march 1 with genocide victims?
I mean, does anyone seriously equate these two events? LTP may be crazy for pushing people to hate so much and arm themselves looking for a fight, but I don't understand the connection to a genocide." May 9, 2008 12:53 PM

Dear Anonymous,

Your question brings several points to mind.

First, my intention in listing them together is not to equate them, but to point out their similarities. Starting with the most basic, both are incidents where Armenians were killed. Moving on, both are incidents where Armenians were killed by those more powerful than they. Continuing, one might argue that both sets of victims were innocent (though it seems you wouldn’t quite agree). Continuing, in both cases, those who committed the killings did so to maintain their own power and their own regimes, and to maintain, politically and economically, the status quo. The actual day of April 24, the day chosen to commemorate the Armenian Genocide, as I am sure you know, is the day that Armenian intellectuals, journalists and other thinkers, those with independent ideas, were arrested, deported and killed. Similarly, those interrogated and arrested in the events leading up to and especially after March 1, and those protesting, including those killed, were standing up for their principles, which necessitated change from the status quo, and many of them are themselves intellectuals and journalists.

The second interesting point is why they are different, because, as you say, they are not equal. Obviously, 1,500,000 is a much larger number than 8, or 10, or even 100. Of course, the sheer number is important, but that is not the only factor. We commemorate the victims of 1915, and in doing so we assimilate the commemoration of the Armenian victims of the end of the 19^th century, but we do not have a separate date – we focus on the larger number of 1915-1918, which is understandable. Does this mean the victims of the 1890’s are of lesser value? Obviously not. Would we mourn the fallen soldiers of the war any more or less if there were more or fewer of them. Obviously not. It is who they were, what they believed and fought for, and how they died which we commemorate and mourn.

Now, a small sidetrack. We could debate for hours about whether individuals were armed during the protests in Yerevan. I would argue that they were peaceful demonstrations, and you might argue that weapons were used by some of the demonstrators, and the police were within their rights to open fire either because of massive unrest, or the threat of violence, or something else. I think this is the bottom line – unless you are willing to argue that there were protesters preparing to open fire on the police without any provocation whatsoever, then there is an element of self-defense in a demonstrator using some kind of weapon or tool (I’m not saying they did – this is hypothetical). And if you were to agree to that, and still argued that police force were justified (in the case of self-defensive tactics by the protesters), well, Anonymous, that is like saying the Ottomans were justified in killing the people of the villages of Marash, Zeytun, and others who raised up arms against their oppressors.

This brings us to the next big point. The Genocide was committed by Turks, whom we are all trained to hate and despise (another vortex I would rather not get into). March 1st was committed by Armenians. So obviously, the Turks being Turks, the Genocide apparently cannot even be listed within the sentence (or fragment, as it were) as the >8 killed during March 1-2, which you may be thinking, was the sad, unfortunate, result of some internal political strife. I, like almost all Armenians, have a cultural, even familial, memory of the Genocide which has been passed on to me by my family and cultural history. We all carry a tragic memory of a time which we did not live through, we mourn for the lives of our ancestors, our people. And it sits heavily, always, not just on April 24^th. The murder of Armenians, on Armenian soil, by other Armenians, however, resonates at a different frequency, a different timbre. Stories and pictures, the reality of the Genocide, make me angry and mournful. Knowing that a regime composed of Armenians directly caused the death of other Armenians is sad, and infuriating, but even more so, it so internally devastating, that, to put it in the vernacular, it makes me want to vomit.

ՆԻԿՈԼ ՓԱՇԻՆՅԱՆ. ԵՐԿՐԻ ՀԱԿԱՌԱԿ ԿՈՂՄԸ (մաս երկրորդ)/THE OTHER SIDE OF THE WORLD (Part Two)

ՆԻԿՈԼ ՓԱՇԻՆՅԱՆ. ԵՐԿՐԻ ՀԱԿԱՌԱԿ ԿՈՂՄԸ (մաս երկրորդ)

The Other Side of the World (Part Two)

2.Hello, Georgia

In Tbilisi, my companion would be Zurab. To tell you the truth, based on Armenian prejudices, I wasn’t expecting much from my acquaintance with this young Georgian man; but moving forward, let me say that he became a true friend to me, my sweet brother.

My conclusion about my friendship with Zurab is that, alas, despite our geographic proximity, we don’t really know the Georgians, their culture, their feelings and their soul. The same, by the way, is true for them. And, despite the adage that “the next-door neighbor is better than the distant relative”, which Armenians and Georgians consider one another, neither we nor they apply it sufficiently. On the contrary, in many cases, we act exactly the opposite.

The closeness between Zurab and I is probably predicated on the fact that in many ways we are alike. Like me, he too had graduated from school outside the capital, and later came to the capital to attend college, and lived in his aunt’s house. Along the way, he had met with complications and conquered them, and in his life too, his grandmother played a major role.

In the practical sense, he had significant connections to be able to “handle” the circumstances that had brought me to Georgia, especially among the border guards. We didn’t know if the arrest warrant issued for me had been circulated internationally, but we had no doubt that it had reached Georgia. We were therefore sure that if I fell into the hands of the Georgian law enforcers, they would certainly hand me over to the Armenian authorities, to avoid further problems in the Armenian-Georgian relationship or to avoid the creation of tensions. This is the reason Zurab got involved in getting me out of Georgia, which was intertwined with a thousand and one issues. And while Zurab’s friends among the border guards were busy arranging for our needs, we left Tbilisi, especially since in one way or another, we would nevertheless have to reach Batumi. Zurab’s childhood friend Avo, an ethnic Kurd and a taxi driver in Tbilisi, accepted the responsibility to lead us. He agreed to put his car at our disposal for a few days, especially since he very much wanted his friend to receive his guest and then send him on his way appropriately.

But we had time, so Zurab arranged an interesting pastime for me. We went to Dzvari, the 6th century architectural complex which is a source of pride for the Georgians. We went to Zurab’s ancestral village, which is in a splendid mountain area. Here, I met everyday Georgians, I broke bread with them, the Chadi, heard their amazing, amazing stories, which were so funny you could cry and so sad, you could cry. I liked the Georgians, because they’re very similar to us, Armenians, be it in their shortcomings, or their strengths. Nothing extraordinary happened in Georgia, if we don’t consider it extraordinary that I received some powerful impressions, about which I hope I have the chance to speak in detail.

Finally, we reached Batumi, where it became evident that Zurab’s border guard friends had found a suitable alternative; they were getting ready to send me to Greece. If truth be told, I was very happy that my next stop would be Greece, because I didn’t want to pass through Turkey.

I was to leave for Greece on a boat, where Old Man Ugly, a member of the crew and janitor on the boat, would help me settle in. This was a young man with an incredibly ugly exterior, who was conspicuous not only because of his ugly exterior, but for his amazing intelligence and wit. But this already belongs to the Greek part of our story. In completing the Georgian part, let me say that it ended in tragedy. On the very first day, a young school boy who had come aboard the boat with us, drowned at sea. He had fallen from the boat in the open sea, although some people said he had jumped. The family of the boy, who was born and raised in Georgia but was of Greek heritage, was leaving for Greece to make their home there, and now, this tragedy had befallen them.

We parted ways with Zurab with the firm conviction to meet again. He will continue to tell me many stories from his life—till we meet again, padono (sir, in Georgian).

3. Forgive Me, My Son

The sea was grim, but peaceful. It seemed to me that it was an external and in a way, artificial peace. But what transpires in the deep? What does the Sea think? What does it want? What does it dream of? But I know the reveries of the Sea, don’t I? Don’t I know everything about it? Almost everything? Do I not strive for the realization of that reverie?

But what if that reverie is impracticable, what if that reverie is frivolous? It matters not. I will serve that reverie; I will serve wholeheartedly because I have promised my son…I remember that day. I returned home late as usual. My brand new official car drove me to the entrance gate. It had picked me up at the entrance of my newly renovated and comfortable work place. I also have a home, and in my newly renovated home live my loved ones, my family. I, who has left his provincial birthplace, a weighing burden on my hard-working family, now can carry on my shoulders more than the responsibility of my own family. I got lucky and I had the opportunity; but does that mean anything? Don’t I, as an honest, outgoing person who is not bribed, have anything to say to those people who have not been lucky, who will not be fortunate, because we have all denied them their chances for the sake of our own personal fortunes? Should we not struggle so that they may also be given a chance? Isn’t life short, so short, that it’s possible not to live? And they won’t live. Are we going to allow them to live without a life…?

I crossed over the threshold and entered the house. My son was sleeping peacefully. I was happy, but not because of the peace that engulfed my home, but rather, because my son was asleep. I didn’t want our eyes to meet, I didn’t want to have my son look into my eyes because it seemed to me that he would understand everything and would not hesitate to ask me, “Father, are you afraid?”

“But son, I am afraid of losing you…”

“That’s a lie. You are afraid of losing your official car, you are afraid of losing your office, your artificial conceit, your artificial influence. Haven’t you understood anything, Father? Haven’t you understood anything from reading the Holy Bible next to your bed? Abraham placed his son Isaac on the sacrificial altar, and in that way, only in that way he saved him.

“To place you on the sacrificial altar? But don’t I do it all for the sake of a
better official car, for the sake of a better office, for the sake of a better
and more artificial authority, better but more artificial prestige?

“Father, are you a scoundrel?”

“I promise, I promise not to be a scoundrel, my son. I promise not to be afraid, my son, I promise to place you on the sacrificial altar. Forgive me, my son.”

The sea was grim, but peaceful. Here and there passing war ships seemed to watch over the peacefulness of the sea, as if they felt they would not allow the Sea to swell. They did not understand that if the Sea wished to, it could swallow them in an instant. But the sea was sad; it was sad for the boy who had jumped or fallen from the boat. The Sea loved its children, the Sea did not wish to devour its children; and the Sea was patient.

And I, am I doing the right thing? Don’t I belong with my friends who are struggling for their lives in dungeons? Am I not leaving them alone in this hour of temptation? But to go there willingly means to surrender, and surrender is impossible. It is essential to fight; it is essential to win. I will journey around the world, and that will become a new victory. I will not hide; I will proclaim my path - catch me if you can.

Sadly, it makes sense...

“Sasoun Mikayelian, Myasnik Malkhasian, Hakob Hakobian, Smbat Ayvazian, Gagik Jhangirian, Mushegh Saghatelian, Husik Baghdasarian, Hovik Harutyunian, Ashot Zakarian and other yerkrapahs, who regularly visited Yerablur on May 8, were not able to pay respect to their dead friends today. They will have to spend the day under arrest.”

“Այսօր Եռաբլուր չայցելեցին ամեն տարի մայիսի 8-ին իրենց զոհված մարտական ընկերներին հարգանքի տուրք մատուցող մի շարք երկրապահներ՝ Սասուն Միքայելյանի, Մյասնիկ Մալխասյանի, Հակոբ Հակոբյանի, Սմբատ Այվազյանի, Գագիկ Ջհանգիրյանի, Մուշեղ Սաղաթելյանի, Հուսիկ Բաղդասարյանի, Հովիկ Հարությունյանի, Աշոտ Զաքարյանի եւ մյուսների գլխավորությամբ: Նրանք այս օրը կնշեն մեկուսարաններում:”

For those who don’t already know, the word Yerkrapah comes from Yerkir (Country) + Pah (Keeper/Defender), they are known as the Freedom Fighters. And now, directly because of the Kocharyan-Sargsyan regime, many are either imprisoned or buried.
In an odd way, this actually makes sense.

Someone who imprisons or kills a Keeper of the Country is a Destroyer of the Country.
Someone who imprisons or kills a Freedom Fighter is one who fights for Oppression.

And that is exactly what Sargsyan has done, and continues to do.

[quotes above are directly from a1plus]

ՆԻԿՈԼ ՓԱՇԻՆՅԱՆ. ԵՐԿՐԻ ՀԱԿԱՌԱԿ ԿՈՂՄԸ (մաս առաջին)/ The Other Side of the World (part I) Nikol Pashinyan

ՆԻԿՈԼ ՓԱՇԻՆՅԱՆ. ԵՐԿՐԻ ՀԱԿԱՌԱԿ ԿՈՂՄԸ (մաս առաջին)

(this is translated from the armenian article on payqar.org)

THE OTHER SIDE OF THE WORLD (Part One)

The story which I must recount to my dear reader is extraordinary for a number of reasons. I think very few expected that while being pursued, I would succeed in making a tour around the world.

Yes, yes, I am getting ready to tell you about my incredible journey around the world, which started on March 3. If memory serves me right, I am the first person who, while being pursued, has been able to travel around the world; at any rate, the first who makes it public. This is one of the reasons why my story is extraordinary. The next reason is that in the narrative of my journey, I have to be careful about the evidence, the incidents, and the exact locations where events took place. This is necessitated by my status as someone who is on the run. You understand that I cannot describe the exact locations of border crossings; I cannot mention the names of the ships on which I have traversed seas and oceans, not as much for myself, as for the safety of those who have helped and guided me along the way. Of my Armenian companions, I will mention neither the first nor the last names. Regarding my foreign-born friends, I will refer to some of them only by their first names, because in helping and guiding me, they were forced to break some of the laws of their countries. I do not want these people to have any problems with law enforcement agencies.

1. A Sudden Departure

Although I noted March 3rd as the first day of my journey, in fact, it began the night of March 1st, into the morning of the 2nd. I was in the last group to leave the area around the French embassy in the Republic of Armenia. The arena of the events of March 1 was surrounded on all sides by police, National Security Service (NSS), army and other forces of uncertain origin. As you would imagine, leaving that area was not easy, especially since several units of the NSS were pursuing me from the very beginning. And in that chase, they were right on my heels, in the true meaning of the word. Imagine, at one point less than one and one half meters separated me from one of the NSS agents. At that very moment, I was overcome by the feeling that the coming months of my life would be full of miracles, because the NSS agent, who, as I mentioned, was standing less than a meter and a half away from me, was looking right at me but did not see me. I almost put my hand to my head to see if perhaps I was wearing an “invisibility hat,” but any movement at that point would have been wrong, so I stood still, like a statue. But I won’t deny that my heart wasn’t beating like the heart of a statue, but more like the heart of a runner who had just set a new world record. My NSS friend, still looking at me with a searching gaze from a distance about the height of Serzh [Sargsyan] seemed he had not only lost his eyesight and his hearing (because he couldn’t hear the loud thumping of my heart), but his sense of smell as well. Had I not spent nine days and nine nights by the bonfires of freedom till dawn, and reeked of smoke? Despite this, the miracle took place. My hunter kept looking at me and, possibly missing the chance for a promotion, walked away.

Of course, the pursuit did not end with this, and would continue, although my compatriots at the NSS would come that close to me only one other time. By contrast to the first, this time there was a solid barrier between us; they would have discovered me had they opened the door, which didn’t happen. And that meant that my incredible journey would continue. Compared to the first incident, this second one was not even close to being a miracle, though if the first one hadn’t occurred it may have been able to make such a claim. But the first one had taken place, and had set such high standards that it wasn’t easily compared to the first one. So, in this way, the hunter went away, leaving me in a state of indecision; and I was wondering if I would end up in the prison in Yerevan or not, when I unexpectedly ran into the person who would take me to Tbilisi. I had known this man, whom I will provisionally call the Old Wise One, for a long time, but had gotten to know him more closely in May, 2007 at a sit-in on Freedom Square, a protest action which is known to the public as “1+.” That man is not at all old, but as I was realized time and time again, he is indeed wise. But if I am to write that he is wise, then I have no choice but to also call him old, according to the rules of the genre. After all, you can’t say “Young Wise One.” If he is wise, then he must also be old. And so, my meeting with the Old Wise One was quite opportune, because he was one of the few acquaintances I had left whose name was not on the list of people to be arrested. In no way can he pretend to be an organizer of massive unrest, nor could he, along with us, usurp power, because he had that power before March 1st, and he has it now. In short, according to the government, the Old Wise One is one of those people whose defense necessitates the arrest of my friends, and me.

The Old Wise One, however, did not scare at our encounter. Quite the opposite: he decided to seriously concern himself with my safety. He knew that the NSS was looking for me, he knew that the search was broadening, and that not only in Yerevan, but throughout Armenia, I had no chance of remaining a free man. As I mentioned earlier, he eventually took me to Tbilisi, in fact, without taking my opinion into account. I ended up there involuntarily. This, too, was a miracle, and may not have happened at all, since the NSS continued to pursue me, now the two of us, with them right on our heels. But they lost my trail in Dilijan. The NSS moved from Dilijan toward the village of Haghardsin, where I have relatives on my mother’s side, and then toward Ichevan, where my parents, brother and friends live. The NSS had hopes of finding me in those parts, but aware of their plans, from Dilijan we turned toward the region of Lori. I will say straight away, that the Old Wise One turned out to have strong ties in, and knowledge of the forests and ravines of the region of Lori. Because of that it was not particularly difficult for us to preplan misleading, that is, secured routes, and with the help of the locals, to actualize the plan, emerging at a deserted section of the Armenian-Georgian border and then cross the border. In the end, we surfaced in Javakhk, and this journey forced me to wonder if the Old Wise One was using his position of authority to engage in contraband. Regardless, if he can smuggle such a hunted man out of the country without any obstacles, then he can import and export goods with equal success. These doubts deepened when it turned out that he had a house in Tbilisi, but at this moment that man was my benefactor, and the law-enforcement bodies were searching for me, not for him.

And in that way I did not get to see Lake Parvana. When I told my companion of my desire to be on the banks of that lake, he mocked me, “Are you a tourist, or a criminal?” My argument, that it is possible to mix pleasure with the practical, did not gain any foothold and we soon surfaced in Tbilisi. And the Old Wise One, having handed me over to my new companion, left. At that time I did not know that I would again meet with the Old Wise One during my long journey, a journey that had started involuntarily and would, equally involuntarily, become a journey around the world.

Nikol Pashinyan
May 7, 2008

HIMA's most recent action, on World Press Freedom Day

[translated from xahima.blogspot.com]
"Newspaper-Reading" Action on the Occasion of World Press Freedom Day
On May 3, World Press Freedom Day, the HIMA Youth Initiative undertook a public “Newspaper-Reading.” Exactly at 5pm, the youth of HIMA stood single file in front of the Parliament building and started to read the newspapers they had brought, mainly the “Chorrord Ishkhanutyun” newspaper, which is reportedly forbidden to read in Parliament. A photographer, surrounded by law enforcement agents, was photographing the recitations. It seemed that the photographer was interfering with the action, since he was constantly trying to get closer to the participants of the action and get close-ups of their faces with a large photo lens. The youth started to turn while they were reading, which caused further problems for the photographer, who retreated, contented with photographing the participants from a short distance.
After five minutes of recitations, the youth, all the while reading out loud, walked in line toward the statue of Aram Khatchaturyan. On their way they passed out “Chorrord Ishkhanutyun,” “Aravot,” “Haykakan Jamanak,” “Jamanak Yerevan,” and “Haik” newspapers to curious passersby. A patrol car followed the youth during their march.
Near the statue of Aram Khatchaturyan, after reading one more page, the HIMA-ers continued their march down Mashtots Avenue. As the group neared the streets which approach Freedom Square, the police immediately stood up and blocked the entrance to the Square. However, the HIMA-ers had an alternate path; they were headed toward the intersection of Amiryan-Mashtots streets, where the next stop had been planned. Passing out scores of newspapers along the way, they passed through the above-mentioned intersection and entered Republic Square, which had been planned as the next to last stop.
Then the participants of the march went to Northern Avenue, where the march concluded with a tasting of boiled tongue, symbolizing that HIMA is now committed to the difficult task of overcoming the obstacles in developing a free press.
P.S. During the procession, different people joined the HIMA-ers, young and old, but the total number did not pass the limit of 100, therefore there was no need to inform anyone of the action. No damage was done to the city’s traffic, since the intersections were crossed only during the green light.
video from echannel